Transcript [00:00] Hey everybody. So, this is going to be a [00:02] little bit of an unusual uh video in [00:04] terms of the choice of content because [00:07] what I'm going to be doing is I'm going [00:08] to be reading a back and forth that took [00:10] place on X uh between Bill Aman and a [00:15] former advisor uh a former someone who [00:18] formerly worked for Prime Minister [00:19] Netanyahu uh the other day. uh very very [00:23] interesting exchange and the reason that [00:24] I'm doing this because in the exchange [00:27] especially in meaning in the response of [00:30] uh this former uh uh this former adviser [00:33] to prime minister Netanyahu, [00:38] there is so much wisdom and so much [00:40] understanding of what is actually going [00:43] on in Israeli society and so many key [00:47] points that people outside of Israel [00:51] uh especially Jews outside of Israel [00:53] fail to understand about Israeli [00:56] political culture, about Israeli society [00:58] in general. And I think it's so [01:00] valuable. So, what's really going to [01:02] make this unusual is that what uh what [01:05] this gentleman wrote in response to Bill [01:07] Aman is very long and I'm going to read [01:09] almost all of it. I'm going to stop and [01:11] interject at various points, but I was [01:12] reading it and I was stunned at how on [01:14] how spot-on it was. And if part of my my [01:18] goal on this channel, especially when I [01:20] talk about the Israeli elections, is to [01:22] inform you about what's actually going [01:24] on on the ground and what you're not [01:25] getting from the Western media there. I [01:28] I could think of no better um than you [01:31] know, no better uh you know, text to [01:33] read to you to share with you. I [01:36] couldn't have said it any better than he [01:37] says it. So, we're going to go through [01:38] it and trust me, it's fascinating. Okay. [01:41] So, so let's start with what Bill Aman [01:44] wrote on X the other day. So, here's [01:46] what he wrote. And Bill Aman is a famous [01:49] businessman. You probably heard of him. [01:51] He wrote as follows. I and this is from [01:54] yesterday. I said I wasn't going to [01:55] weigh in on who should be the prime [01:57] minister of Israel. And that is a [01:59] decision for the Israeli citizens. I did [02:02] however want to share one point of view [02:04] from the perspective of someone who has [02:05] an understanding of how Israel is [02:07] perceived in America. Itar Bengir and [02:10] Batalo Smotric have caused enormous [02:12] reputational damage with their [02:14] statements and actions which are [02:16] presented in the global media as [02:18] representing the voice and will of all [02:20] Israelis. As such, a government formed [02:23] without Bengot will send a message to [02:26] the rest of the world that Israel is [02:28] turning a new page. This will allow [02:30] Israel to rebuild lost credibility, [02:33] increase the opportunity for an [02:34] expansion of the Abraham Accords, and [02:36] enjoy a better relationship with [02:38] Democrats [02:39] and Republicans and Americans at large. [02:43] So what he's suggesting look benzri [02:47] leaders of the two parties and and [02:50] religious zionism [02:52] have made statements that are viewed by [02:56] uh people in the mainstream media as [02:57] inflammatory usually taken out of [02:59] context but not always. Uh and uh [03:02] sometimes these statements are used by [03:04] Israel haters, people like uh [03:06] Anakasparian and Shank Weaguer and those [03:08] types to demonize Israel and say, "Look [03:10] at what they're saying," implying that [03:12] they're calling for some sort of ethnic [03:13] cleansing of Gaza and things like that. [03:15] These are nationalist right-wing [03:16] politicians. Um and uh so what Aman is [03:20] saying is that if we got rid of these [03:21] guys, it would it would bring us to a [03:23] better relationship. Uh we'd have a [03:26] better relationship with with all [03:28] Americans, with the Democratic Party. [03:29] would endear us to the left. Uh it would [03:31] make Israel more more uh you know, more [03:34] acceptable. [03:36] Um and you know, just before we get to [03:38] the response that I want to share with [03:40] you in this video, just one just I want [03:42] to read to you a comment. Uh it wasn't [03:44] made in response to this. It was [03:45] actually made uh a while ago. It was [03:47] made weeks ago by my good friend Will [03:49] Chamberlain. Uh he was talking about a a [03:52] post that was put up by an Israeli [03:54] journalist Nadava Yal who who's a who's [03:58] a left-wing journalist in Israel who had [04:00] put up a post on October 2nd saying that [04:04] you know if we get if we can just get [04:06] rid of Netanyahu [04:08] you know we could rebuild our [04:10] relationship with the Democratic party [04:11] because Israel won't be seen as such a [04:14] partisan issue anymore because we'll [04:15] we'll we'll be able you know the you [04:17] know the left in America will have [04:19] someone to work with and [snorts] Will [04:21] Chamberlain wrote a fantastic response [04:23] to it and he said, "People like Nadav [04:26] seem to be under the impression that [04:27] Netanyahu has uniquely angered the [04:29] Democrats and that replacing him with [04:30] someone more liberal and reasonable will [04:32] improve the relationship between Israel [04:34] and the Democratic Party. But that [04:36] deeply misunderstands the modern [04:37] Democratic Party. There are two basic [04:40] competing factions within that party. [04:42] The DSA left who see Israel and Zionism [04:44] as fundamentally evil forces and who you [04:47] won't be able to negotiate with. and the [04:49] establishment Democrats who think they [04:52] merely dislike Netanyahu, but in [04:54] reality, they dislike consensus Israeli [04:56] public opinion. What do I mean by that? [04:59] Establishment Democrats believe very [05:01] firmly in the two-state solution. Most [05:03] of them also believe Israel has [05:05] committed something close to a genocide [05:06] in Gaza and went way, way too far after [05:09] October 7th. They believe you should not [05:12] have gone into Rafa, etc. Now, again, [05:15] the DSA actually believes that Israel [05:17] shouldn't even exist. [05:19] So they don't care who's the prime [05:20] minister of Israel. Of the two factions, [05:21] the DSA has quite a bit more energy [05:24] behind it. Establishment figures like [05:26] Hakeim Jeff have to basically beg DSA [05:28] figures like Mamani not to run primary [05:31] challengers against them. As a result, [05:33] establishment Democrats have a strong [05:35] reason to pander to the DSA and there [05:37] are few issues and there are few issues [05:39] the DSA types care about more than [05:41] hurting Israel. So then he goes on to [05:44] say that basically if Gotti Eisenot wins [05:49] and now it's like oh there's a [05:51] center-left candidate what these [05:53] Democrats don't realize people like Nava [05:56] don't realize is that it's not going to [05:58] help because Gadi Eisenhot is not going [06:00] to establish a Palestinian state. He's [06:02] not going to he's not going to withdraw [06:05] Jews from settlements in Judea and [06:07] Samaria. He's not going to do that. He [06:09] can't do that. there's no appetite for [06:11] it in the Israeli population. There's a [06:13] consensus pretty much across the board [06:14] except for the extreme left against [06:17] things like that. [06:19] He he goes on to explain that and that's [06:21] this is this is I when I so when I saw [06:24] this post by Aman I immediately thought [06:26] of what will written there which is now [06:29] Aman is not a leftist I mean he's kind [06:31] of a centrist type of guy but Aman has [06:34] the same misconception that if somehow [06:36] we could get rid of the extremist [06:38] elements in the Israeli government then [06:41] now the Democrats are suddenly going to [06:43] we could rebuild our relationship with [06:44] the Democrats. But the main thing I [06:46] wanted to share with you as I said is [06:48] this remarkable response [06:51] to this post. [06:55] Okay, let me go let me take it all the [06:57] way from the top. I'm not going to read [06:58] the entire thing. It's written by a guy [06:59] by the name of Gilead Zwick. And Gilead [07:02] Zwick is a former communications adviser [07:03] to Prime Minister Netanyahu. He's [07:05] currently a journalist. So first he uh [07:07] you know after a few nicities [07:10] uh he talks about uh he says I want to [07:13] offer a perspective that too often gets [07:14] lost in the discussions about Bengir and [07:16] Smootrich. [07:18] He says he starts off as follows. [07:20] Consider the size of their constituency [07:22] in the final polls before election their [07:25] parties smotches religious and bangers [07:29] average roughly 15 seats combined. [07:33] That's the low end of the predictions in [07:36] the polls. That's 1/8 of the Knesset [07:39] representing roughly half a million [07:41] voters or more. Now, it's 1/8 of the [07:42] Knesset, but bear in mind that about 10% [07:45] of the Knesset, probably it might end up [07:46] being a little bit more, might be 13 [07:48] seats out of the 120 are going to go to [07:50] Arab parties that are anti-Israel and [07:52] anti-Zionist. So, if we're talking about [07:54] Jewish Israel, uh the you know, the [07:56] Knesset seats that could form a [07:58] coalition because the Arab parties won't [07:59] be part of a coalition. Um it's more [08:02] it's way more than 1/8. They're well [08:04] over 10% of the Jewish voters in Israel [08:08] are from Smutric and Bengir's parties. [08:10] Together they would be Israel's third or [08:12] fourth largest political force. They do [08:15] not represent a majority, but they [08:16] represent a substantial number of people [08:18] whose concerns deserve to be understood. [08:21] Then he talks about how Netanyahu has [08:23] not always had a rosy relationship with [08:25] Ben Greer. [08:27] But here's a key point. Since 2019, [08:30] refusing to join a Netanyahu government [08:33] has become a defining position for the [08:36] parties in the center and on the left. [08:38] There have been exceptions during the [08:39] pandemic and in the emergency government [08:41] formed after October 7th, but the [08:43] personal boycott of Netanyahu has become [08:45] a central feature of Israeli politics [08:48] and opposition leaders say it will [08:50] continue after this election. meaning [08:51] the people running at the heads of the [08:53] parties who um who are center left [08:56] whether it's a Victor Lieberman or it's [08:59] Gotti Eisenot or it's Napali Bennett the [09:01] heads of these parties that you think of [09:03] as the other Zionist parties that are [09:05] centrist have said openly it is like the [09:08] number one issue in their campaigns is [09:10] that they'll refuse to have Netanyahu as [09:11] the prime minister. So the result is [09:14] straightforward. In Israel's [09:15] parliamentary system, governments depend [09:17] on coalitions of parties that together [09:20] command a majority. You're putting [09:21] together a coalition, parties that agree [09:22] to be in a coalition together. When [09:24] centrist and left-wing parties rule out [09:27] serving under Netanyahu, the leader of [09:29] Likood, Israel's largest party, they [09:31] narrow his options and strengthen the [09:33] hand of those willing to join him, [09:35] Benir, Smutric, and the ultraorththodox [09:38] parties. What exactly is Netanyahu [09:40] supposed to do? tell his voters, "Our [09:42] opponents refuse to govern with me, so [09:44] I'm giving up on forming a government [09:46] and handing power to them." For much of [09:49] the Israeli right, Netanyahu remains its [09:51] dominant figure and chosen leader. His [09:53] voters reject the idea that their [09:55] political opponents should get to decide [09:58] who can lead them. Imagine Democrats [10:00] demanding that Republicans replace their [10:02] presidential nominee as a condition of [10:04] working together, or the other way [10:05] around. It's not really such a good [10:06] analogy. The American system's a little [10:08] different. You can understand why voters [10:10] would reject that demand. Opposition [10:13] parties have every right to refuse to [10:14] sit with Netanyahu, but that decision [10:16] strengthens the very partners they want [10:19] to exclude from power. So if you want [10:21] Israel's government to exclude Ben Greer [10:23] and Smutridge, your appeal should be [10:27] directed at the center and left. Bridge [10:30] your differences, end the boycott, [10:32] meaning the boycott of Netanyahu and [10:34] make a broader coalition possible. [10:37] And then he says, "To be clear, I [10:38] personally support Bengir and Smutric in [10:41] the government, but including them in a [10:42] coalition and depending on them for its [10:44] survival are two different things. [10:46] Anyone who wants to reduce their [10:48] leverage must be willing to make another [10:50] coalition possible. Simply telling [10:52] Netanyahu what to do or to do it without [10:55] them is not enough." Okay, that's his [10:57] first point. Then he gets into, and this [11:00] is why I really wanted to talk about [11:01] this, is he talks about where Israelis [11:04] are, where the Israeli public is, why [11:07] are Smutri and Benir's numbers rising. [11:10] Let's recall in the last election, they [11:13] ran together on a joint list [11:16] with a third teenytiny party that ended [11:19] up with one seat in the list. And [11:21] together, that list got 14 seats. One of [11:24] them went to this other one-man party [11:26] which is no not going to be in the next [11:27] Knesset. So Ben Gabir's party and [11:30] Smuncher's party together [11:34] together ended up with a total of of u [11:39] um [11:42] of 13 seats. [11:44] Is that right? Yeah. 13 seats. And now [11:48] they're going to they're going to grow. [11:50] These parties are growing in popularity. [11:53] In fact, I think they're even going to [11:54] get higher. He said that they together [11:55] amount to about 15 seats. I think that [11:57] together they're going to end up with [11:58] more than that in this election. But [11:59] that's my prediction. He now he talks [12:02] about why people vote for them. Listen [12:03] to this. He says to understand these [12:06] voters to you have to try to see the [12:08] country through the eyes of those who [12:09] who who live here. And he says here, [12:13] look, I'm going to jump down a little [12:15] bit so I'm not reading every single word [12:16] of this. We live in a tiny country [12:18] surrounded by a vast Arab and Muslim [12:20] region facing enemies who have shown [12:22] that they will spend years planning how [12:24] to murder our children in the most [12:26] horrific way imaginable. [12:28] For many Israelis, Bengri's tough stance [12:31] sends an essential message. Do not test [12:34] us. We will not rely on your goodwill. [12:36] We will not gamble our children's lives [12:39] again on the belief that you have become [12:41] more moderate, that you are deterred, or [12:43] that you have too much to lose. Their [12:46] supporters also see them as a [12:48] counterweight within the government. [12:50] They pushed Netanyahu from the right and [12:52] challenged the security establishment's [12:54] assumptions. The same establishment, [12:57] meaning the same security establishment [12:58] that believed kamas was deterred and [13:01] could be contained through economic [13:03] incentives and by managing the conflict. [13:05] This is 100% true. This is how Israelis [13:08] see them. Benvir and Smotri were in the [13:10] government on October 7th and they bear [13:12] responsibility too. But their presence [13:14] in the government and later in the [13:15] security cabinet gave Netanyahu the [13:17] political backing to resist pressure to [13:20] give in. Refusing to surrender is now a [13:23] central message of Netanyahu's election [13:25] campaign. And that's really that comes [13:27] from from the Smutri and and Bengir U [13:30] stance. [13:32] I mean that this is this is this is very [13:36] important. you know, the the security [13:39] establishment, the the generals, people [13:41] like Gaddy Eisenhot running against [13:42] Netanyahu, these are the people who were [13:45] arguing for the war to be stopped [13:47] prematurely, cut a deal, leaving Kamas [13:49] in power. They they they were opposed to [13:53] the offensive into Lebanon. [13:58] In their supporters eyes, the two men [14:00] served as his political iron dome [14:02] against enormous pressure at home and [14:04] abroad to leave Sinir and Kamas in [14:05] power. There's another part of the story [14:07] that can be hard to grasp from abroad. [14:09] The place of religious Zionists in [14:11] Israeli society. This community combines [14:14] commitments that many Israelis deeply [14:16] admire. Religious observance and Torah [14:18] study alongside combat service, working [14:21] for a living and taking responsibility [14:23] for the country's future. At a time when [14:26] most ultraorththodox men do not serve in [14:28] the military, religious Zionists [14:30] demonstrate that devotion to Judaism and [14:32] defending the country can go hand in [14:35] hand. Ben Beng and Smutri draw support [14:38] from significant parts of this [14:39] community. For some voters, supporting [14:41] them also means supporting that [14:43] combination of values. And that means [14:46] that there's a lot of supporters of [14:47] especially Ben Greer's party who are not [14:49] themselves religious, but admire the [14:51] religious community and want to support [14:53] it and support the values of that [14:56] community even though they they're not [14:57] observant themselves. It's very [14:58] interesting uh voting base that he has. [15:02] Dismissing these voters as religious [15:04] fanatics means overlooking people whose [15:05] faith inspires them to lead the charge [15:08] on the battlefield. This is a this is [15:09] very much in the consciousness of all [15:12] Israelis that because as the war went on [15:15] and casualties would be announced and [15:18] everyone knew that the the religious [15:20] Zionist community which is not a very [15:22] big percentage of the Israeli population [15:26] actually [15:30] bore an u a far out an outsized [15:34] uh amount of the an outside an outsized [15:37] portion of the burden. and um fighting [15:40] in combat and and dying on the [15:42] battlefield. That's the community I'm a [15:44] part of, you know, and you know, [15:47] everyone saw it. These are people who [15:49] fight, risk their lives, and bury their [15:51] friends. They are not alone in doing so. [15:52] Israelis from every political camp and [15:55] every part of society fight and die for [15:57] this country. But religious Zionists are [15:58] disproportionately represented in combat [16:00] units, among junior officers, and [16:02] tragically among the fallen. And by the [16:04] way, this guy writing this is not [16:05] religious. He's a secular Israeli who [16:07] lives in Tel Aviv. Many of those [16:09] soldiers support Bengre and Smotrich. [16:13] Now, he goes into two specific policies [16:15] of Bengre and Smotidge that also help [16:17] explain their support. The first is [16:19] Benvir's overhaul of the prisons holding [16:21] terrorists which fall under his [16:23] ministerial authority. Before Benir took [16:26] office, prisons holding security inmates [16:28] had come to resemble holiday camps. [16:30] Terrorist inmates enjoyed lavish meals, [16:33] meat, humus, drinks, access to prison [16:36] stores, and the freedom to prepare their [16:38] own food. Smuggled phones allowed them [16:40] to stay in touch with people outside, [16:42] including terrorist operatives. The [16:44] sense was that these were that they were [16:46] effectively running their own prison [16:47] wings with organizational hierarchies [16:50] and power structures that prison [16:52] authorities had learned to accommodate. [16:54] All of this was tolerated to keep the [16:56] prisons quiet. Before Ben Greer took [16:59] office, the security establishment [17:00] operated on a warped premise. The prison [17:03] unrest had to be prevented at any cost, [17:06] lest it sparked terrorist attacks [17:08] outside. The treatment of Palestinian [17:10] prisoners in Israel was considered too [17:12] sensitive an issue to risk a [17:14] confrontation. These inmates included [17:16] convicted murderers who had killed [17:18] civilians and destroyed families because [17:20] they were Jewish and they enjoyed [17:22] wonderful conditions. The most appalling [17:25] example was a sca was the scandal [17:27] involving young female prison guards, [17:29] Israeli women doing their compulsory [17:31] military service in the prison system. [17:33] Testified that they had been assigned to [17:35] work around a convicted terrorist at his [17:37] request and then they were subjected to [17:40] sexual abuse. One testified that he had [17:42] raped her. The prisoner had been [17:44] convicted of murdering an Israeli woman. [17:46] Those in charge did not just fail to [17:48] stop it. They enabled it to keep the [17:50] prison quiet. Benvver made reversing [17:52] that situation a priority. He stripped [17:54] away privileges, restricted purchases [17:56] and cooking, imposed a much tougher [17:59] regime in the security wings. Prisons [18:01] went from places terrorists could look [18:03] forward to entering to places they [18:05] feared. Uh there's a broad consensus, at [18:08] least among Jewish Israelis, that [18:10] terrorists should face harsh punishment [18:12] in in the prisons. Um [18:15] there's also a clear deterrent [18:17] rationale. Someone considering an attack [18:19] should know that being captured alive [18:21] means long years of harsh imprisonment. [18:23] They should not expect comfort and [18:25] prestige among fellow inmates and the [18:27] ability to keep operating from prison. [18:30] That's why even Israelis who have little [18:32] affection for Beng see his prison [18:34] overhaul as a major achievement that [18:36] saves Israeli lives even if we may never [18:39] know how many. The second policy is the [18:42] expansion of Jewish settlement in Judea [18:43] and Samaria known as the West Bank [18:46] including the farms closely assoc [18:48] associated with smotidge. So now he's [18:49] turning his attention to a smotidge [18:51] policy. In addition to serving as [18:53] finance minister, he holds a ministerial [18:55] position within within the defense [18:56] ministry. Let me explain the Judea and [18:59] Samaria because it's not officially it's [19:01] not a next part of Israel. It's not [19:04] governed by the rest of the Israeli [19:06] government. It's actually governed by [19:10] the defense. It's governed by the a [19:12] military. It's governed by the military. [19:13] So, it's actually governed by the [19:14] defense ministry. And that is why when [19:16] Betales Matri uh entered uh entered the [19:19] coalition, the beginning of this [19:21] government, he became finance minister, [19:22] but also took on a uh in a uh a uh a [19:27] deputy defense minister position, a [19:29] position in the defense ministry for [19:31] Judea and Samaria. This is an issue on [19:33] which many Israelis see things [19:35] differently from some of our friends [19:36] abroad. This is so important. Those [19:39] friends see settlements as an obstacle [19:41] to a future peace agreement. Many of us [19:43] see them as essential to our security [19:46] and a Palestinian state as a potentially [19:48] irreversible threat to that security. [19:51] Many Israelis once supported territorial [19:53] concessions for sure. Back in Oslo, I [19:55] remember 1993, it was the majority of [19:57] Israelis who wanted to enter into the [19:59] Oslo process because they sincerely [20:01] hoped separation would bring peace. We [20:04] were willing to give up places with deep [20:05] historical significance so that our [20:07] children would not have to keep [20:09] fighting. [20:10] But experience coninc convinced many of [20:13] us that withdrawal can bring the killers [20:15] closer to our homes. And then he goes [20:17] through everything all the way up to [20:18] October 7th. [20:20] Um, and he says, "We can debate all the [20:23] factors that led to this disaster, but [20:26] you cannot expect Israelis to put that [20:27] bitter experience aside when asked to [20:29] accept another withdrawal, this time [20:31] from the hills overlooking the heart of [20:33] the country." And he talks about how [20:34] close those hills are to Tel Aviv. He [20:37] said, "Smotric and the current [20:38] government have responded by [20:40] establishing farms in Judea and Samaria, [20:42] building on the original settlement [20:44] movement. Under the current government, [20:46] 104 new settlement sites have been [20:48] established or officially recognized in [20:50] Judea and Samaria. A small number of [20:52] families can maintain a presence across [20:54] a large area by living there, farming, [20:57] and hurting livestock. Their supporters [21:00] believe that this strengthens Israel's [21:01] hold on the territory and makes a future [21:03] Palestinian state harder to establish. [21:06] This is exactly why the government, with [21:08] Smutish leading the effort, supports [21:10] these farms. It's also why opponents of [21:13] settlements in Israel and abroad are [21:15] determined to stop them from expanding. [21:17] And then he goes into the campaign about [21:19] settler violence, which I've talked [21:20] about in a few videos. He says, "The [21:21] campaign over settler violence has [21:23] developed against this backdrop. Much of [21:25] it relies on lies, selective [21:27] presentation, and casting aggressors as [21:29] victims and victims as aggressors." Uh, [21:32] and how it, you know, there's selective [21:33] editing of the film footage and all [21:35] that. He goes through all of that. Then [21:37] he says, "For many Israelis, including [21:39] those of us who do not live in [21:40] settlements, this presence is directly [21:43] connected to our own security. When [21:45] Smutri strengthens it, they see it as an [21:48] achievement worth rewarding at the Balac [21:50] box, even when people abroad see it as a [21:52] reason to condemn him." And this brings [21:55] me to the central point. You emphasize [21:58] the positive message Israel would send [22:00] the world by leaving Ben and Smutri out [22:02] of the government. That was Aman's key [22:03] point. leave them out and we can rebuild [22:06] our relationship with the world and and [22:07] the Democratic Party and people will see [22:09] Israel in a more favorable light. I [22:12] understand the importance of public [22:13] opinion, our alliances and American [22:16] support. Losing any of those can carry [22:19] serious security costs, but many [22:21] Israelis are asking another question. [22:23] What message would we send our enemies? [22:25] What if we misjudge their intentions [22:27] again while throwing under the bus the [22:29] representatives of a community that [22:31] bears a disproportionate share of the [22:33] burden on the front lines? We worry that [22:36] the desire to appear moderate and [22:38] reasonable to Western elites whose deep [22:40] hostility towards Israel won't disappear [22:42] simply because Benvir and Smutri aren't [22:44] in the government will push us to accept [22:46] risks whose consequences the rest of the [22:49] world will not have to live with. That's [22:52] such a great point. Let me let me drill [22:53] down on this a little bit. You know, um [22:56] I interviewed on this channel. I [22:58] interviewed Yishi Fleer uh last week on [23:01] shoulder-to-shoulder with pastor Doug. [23:04] Yishi Fleer is on Bengir's Knesset list. [23:07] I've interviewed a few candidates from [23:08] different parties [23:10] and [23:12] I asked him about these inflammatory [23:14] statements that Benvir has made and how [23:15] they're counterproductive and they're [23:17] used by Israel's enemies against us. And [23:20] he said, "Benveir is not messaging to [23:24] the west. He's messaging to the east." [23:28] It's a very interesting answer. He's [23:29] saying our enemies need to know. [23:33] They need to fear us. It's the only [23:35] thing that works in the Middle East. And [23:38] frankly, if it's a choice between being [23:42] loved [23:44] and being strong, every Israeli will [23:46] tell you we'd rather be strong. [23:49] There's no in there's no uh I mean like [23:52] public opinion matters but I know it [23:54] matters a whole lot more to Jews like [23:56] Bill Aman living in the states who are [23:58] worried about Israel looking bad and [24:00] their support for Israel making them [24:01] look bad if Israel is a little too [24:03] extremist looking. That's not how [24:04] Israelis look at it. [24:08] He says here I don't want Israel to be [24:10] isolated. I want a prosperous open [24:12] country with strong alliances. [24:14] He talks about how he also believes in [24:15] peace through strength. [24:18] He said, and then look what he says [24:20] here. But if the choices between [24:21] enduring a difficult period of [24:22] international pressure, including [24:24] dealing with an extremely hostile [24:26] democratic administration and accepting [24:28] demands we believe put our lives at [24:30] risk, many of us are prepared to bear [24:33] the cost. [24:34] In that respect, I believe Netanyahu [24:36] himself moved closer during the war to [24:38] the approach Benv and Smutri represent. [24:40] A greater willingness to stand up to our [24:42] friends when he believes a vital [24:44] security interest is at stake. You can [24:46] criticize Benvotrich. Their rhetoric and [24:48] past conduct does not always sit well [24:50] with Western audiences. [24:53] Although contrary to false claims, [24:55] they've never called for ethnic [24:56] cleansing. But to understand why people [24:58] support them, you have to understand how [25:00] many Israelis feel they have already [25:02] lost loved ones because reassuring [25:04] assumptions proved disastrously wrong. [25:08] For all our desire to remain close to [25:10] our friends, we will not commit national [25:11] suicide to win approval at a fashionable [25:15] cocktail party in Paris or New York. In [25:18] May 2024, for example, as the Biden [25:20] administration opposed expanding the [25:22] operation in Rafa and threatened to [25:24] restrict weapon supplies, Netanyahu [25:27] said, "If we have to stand alone, we'll [25:29] stand alone." And he told Secretary of [25:32] State Blink, "If we need to, we will [25:33] fight with our fingernails." Many [25:35] Israelis believe that without Bengir and [25:37] Smutri, Netanyahu would not have had the [25:40] political backing to take such a firm [25:42] stand against Blinken's pressure. And [25:44] that is why roughly half a million [25:45] Israelis are expected to vote for them [25:47] in the upcoming election. Uh look, this [25:51] I did not read this because I wanted you [25:54] to love Bengavirrich. That's not what [25:56] it's about. But I I I read it to you for [25:59] only one reason and that is that it is [26:00] an accurate assessment of the gap [26:04] between how supporters of Israel, Bill [26:06] Akman's a supporter of Israel, how [26:08] supporters of Israel look at Israel and [26:10] with the role Israel plays in their [26:12] lives where like he's kind of feels [26:13] uncomfortable when it Bengalis Moz says [26:17] some nationalistic statement. [26:20] And there's also look [26:23] you see here in Israel we know the [26:25] truth. We know that um the Palestinian [26:29] people are not mostly peaceful who want [26:31] to live in peace and security and [26:33] they're just governed by bad people. We [26:34] know that it's We know that that's not [26:36] true. We know these people. We know the [26:38] polling the polling of Palestinians [26:40] shows overwhelming support for Hamas. [26:43] Overwhelming even after everything. We [26:46] all know this. [26:49] We also know that making concessions in [26:53] Judea and Samaria or elsewhere is not [26:55] going to help us, that it will hurt us, [26:57] that it will harm our security. We all [26:59] know this. [27:01] We know this. And so when when [27:04] politicians in Israel speak the truth [27:07] about these things and it makes uh and [27:11] it gets amplified by the Israel haters [27:13] because it doesn't look good to western [27:15] uh in Western media and then Jews in you [27:18] know in the in in the West feel [27:21] uncomfortable because they're supporting [27:23] Israel which is looking extremist. I'm [27:25] sorry you feel uncomfortable but you [27:27] have to understand where Israelis are. [27:29] We are not going to commit national [27:30] suicide to win favor at a cocktail party [27:33] as he said so uh so eloquently there. I [27:36] was going to play you something else. I [27:37] was going to play you a little video uh [27:39] just it it's not important now and it's [27:40] very it uh it's going to just going to [27:42] add more time but I was going to play [27:44] you a video of Chuck Schumer calling for [27:46] the removal of Smutridge and Bengir that [27:48] he did about two years ago u and it was [27:51] just more examples of American meddling [27:53] in our politics. Um which I'm never [27:55] happy about even when it comes from our [27:57] side. That's why, as I've said, I'm not [27:58] so happy about Trump's endorsement of [28:00] Netanyahu. I don't think it was [28:02] necessary, and I don't I'm not sure it [28:04] was helpful. Others disagree with me. [28:06] I'm open to that conversation, but I [28:07] wanted to share this with you just so [28:08] you understand where Israelis are. And [28:11] and and look, the most important thing [28:14] to us is our survival and our strength [28:16] in a long-term way. and and and we know [28:21] we know as I said at the beginning, you [28:23] know, reading that that uh that post [28:26] from Will Chamberlain from Will that if [28:29] we [28:30] if we think that we're going to endear [28:32] ourselves to the anti-Israel crowd by [28:35] shifting more towards the left and being [28:37] more open to a two-state solution, which [28:39] would be disastrous and suicidal for us, [28:42] that we're going to endear ourselves and [28:43] that will like us more. It's just not [28:45] true. We've learned that lesson already [28:46] too many times. Anyway, that's the way [28:49] things are. Um, on this note, before we [28:51] before I let you go, make sure that you [28:55] uh click the link in the description of [28:56] this video to get the Pro-Israel [28:59] Handbook. Okay? You want that you want [29:01] this book. You want the ProI Issrael [29:03] Handbook. It is a really uh easy to use [29:06] book that has a lot of vital [29:07] information. It's a fun read and it will [29:09] give you the arguments. It'll give you [29:11] the talking points you need to defend [29:13] Israel against all the most common [29:15] attacks and lies written by Matan [29:16] Pelleg, published by Israel 365. Click [29:19] the link in the description of this [29:20] video. Make sure you get a hold of a [29:21] copy and there's also a promo code there [29:24] uh for you to get 15% off. All right. [29:27] All right. Thanks so much for watching [29:28] and uh it's going to be an interesting [29:30] election day, but you know, he hit the [29:33] nail on the head. All right. God bless.
